In our land,
especially, it is important, on more than one account, that this science
should do its share in enlightening educated minds. One reason for this
lies in the new inducements which we, as a people, have to swerve from
national rectitude. Formerly our interests threw us on the side of
unrestricted commerce, which is the side towards which justice inclines,
and we lived far within our borders with scarcely the power to injure or
be injured, except on the ocean. Now we are running into the crimes to
which strong nations are liable. Our diplomatists unblushingly moot the
question of taking foreign territory by force if it cannot be purchased;
our executive prevents piratical expeditions against the lands of
neighboring States as feebly and slowly as if it connived at them; we
pick quarrels to gain conquests; and at length, after more than half a
century of public condemnation of the slave-trade, after being the first
to brand it as piracy, we hear the revival of the trade advocated as a
right, as a necessity. Is it not desirable that the sense of justice,
which seems fading out of the national mind before views of political
expediency or destiny, should be deepened and made fast by that study
which frowns on national crimes?
And, again, every educated person ought to become acquainted with
national law, because he is a responsible member of the body politic;
because there is danger that party views will make our doctrine in this
science fluctuating, unless it is upheld by large numbers of intelligent
persons; and because the executive, if not controlled, will be tempted
to assume the province of interpreting international law for us.
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