The reason why we place any confidence in our
representatives is, that they must share in the good or evil which their
counsels shall produce. Their share is, indeed, commonly consequential
and remote; but it is not often possible that any immediate advantage
can be extended to such numbers as may prevail against it. We are,
therefore, as secure against intentional depravations of government, as
human wisdom can make us, and upon this security the Americans may
venture to repose.
It is said, by the old member who has written an appeal against the tax,
that "as the produce of American labour is spent in British
manufactures, the balance of trade is greatly against them; whatever you
take directly in taxes is, in effect, taken from your own commerce. If
the minister seizes the money, with which the American should pay his
debts, and come to market, the merchant cannot expect him as a customer,
nor can the debts, already contracted, be paid.--Suppose we obtain from
America a million, instead of one hundred thousand pounds, it would be
supplying one personal exigence by the future ruin of our commerce."
Part of this is true; but the old member seems not to perceive, that, if
his brethren of the legislature know this as well as himself, the
Americans are in no danger of oppression, since by men commonly
provident they must be so taxed, as that we may not lose one way, what
we gain another.
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